Britain's political landscape is a wasteland
of so called 'centre ground' politics. Conservatives are the same nasty Tories
they've always been but they pretend to have discovered compassion. New Labour
are Tories with Red ties and a few quid from unions. The Lib Dems are just
lying Tory bitches and the new kids on the block - UKIP - are merely a more
racist, homophobic version of the Tories. Guest blogger PAUL SOUTHWOOD bemoans a
lack of choice and explains that not voting should be seen as a positive action.
It's not apathy that stops people voting, it's the realisation that politicians are all the same.
VOTER APATHY. Already, the phrase has become
enshrined in media-speak as a pocket-sized explanation for why so many people stay away from ballot boxes
at elections. But it is a misnomer - like describing comets as falling stars or
fossils as figured stones. Perhaps there are some apathetic non-voters out
there; I haven't met any. I have on the other hand met angry non-voters. After
some thought I have decided to join them as I am angry
too.
Voters of course, are horrified. If you
don't exercise your right to vote they say then you have no ability to effect
changes nor any right to criticise the elected government. And the vote, they
say is a right for which our forebears fought - at great cost to themselves.
Political parties of course feel no such tug
of' historical heartstrings. This seems especially true of the present Labour
Party; historically, nobody much can be said to have made any great sacrifice
for the cause of Toryism.
Sadly, history can make a mockery of
sacrifice, and it can do so In short order. 'If I die,' wrote many Red Army
soldiers before battle was joined at Kursk "then count me a
communist." Yet even if their sacrifice changed history, where now is their
cause '? The Vietnam War cost one side millions of casualties, and scarified
the conscience - and pride - of' the other. Yet now, increasingly, Vietnam is
an aspiring Singapore.
History is littered with such lost causes -
some deservedly lost. If British democracy is not to join them, then British
politicians must manifest the one characteristic that makes voting in a
multi-party state worthwhile - difference.
The latter commodity is in short supply
of late. It's not just that politics has shifted to the right; it has also come
to occupy ever narrowing bands of ideas. Increasingly it's any political colour
you like so long as it's blue with the prospect of the wavelength shortening to
ultra violet dimensions. This phenomenon became apparent before the 1997
election. "Vote Blair," said the graffiti in Oxford, where I was
living at the time, "for more of the same shit."
The political spread was being reduced,
practically before the electorate's eyes, into little more than a choice
between the wet and the dry wings of Thatcher's Tory party. Core Old Labour
voters saw Blair coming, and stayed away from the polls. There being more such
voters in safe Labour seats, the outcome of this attitude was clearer in such
constituencies. Hull East: 54.2%, Islwyn (Neil Kinnock's old constituency):
60.1%. Left wing Tories, too, stayed away - put off by the Major regime's image
of sleaze.
The 1997 election was decided by a collision
of the respective right wings of the two main parties, together with tactical
voting where this could be focused against a Tory candidate. For both major
parties, the left-wing vote - Tory europhiles and 'wets'; Old Labour socialists
- were notable largely by their absence from polling stations. On fiscal and
social policy alike, the manifestos of the political parties represent little
more than fine-tuning. And in privatised (not to say feudalised) Britain, the
power of politicians to effect change in the name of those who elected them is
seen to be strictly curtailed. The resulting political consensus that made the
four or five yearly trek to the local school or community centre worthwhile – choice, was absent.
"No
vote - no voice", said the old posters, trying to
encourage young people to get themselves onto the electoral register. And so
still say the fervent voters, horrified at the growing scale of electoral
absenteeism. But, in truth, it is a bleak message - suggesting that the ballot
box flashed at us every few years is indeed the only voice we have, and seeming
to confirm Lord Hailsham's assessment of the British political system as an
"elected dictatorship."
We need a different view of democracy than
this. We need a view of democracy that sees it as an active agent in people's
day-to-day lives; in jurisprudence; in culture; in the freedom to speak out, to
demonstrate and - where need be - to take action.
Voters and non-voters are equally entitled
to participation in
such a robust, living democracy; to exclude non-voters from it is to
accept the strictly limited 'democracy' of which Lord Hailsham spoke. Voting is
a component of democracy: it should not be considered the complete and entire
artefact.
Indeed, not voting itself is a democratic
action. Quite properly, voting is a right. But a right, by definition, is not
an obligation. When democracies try to make voting mandatory - as, for
instance, in Australia - then the electoral process runs the risk of supplying
politicians with a false sense of popular approval.
Some commentators have used the term
"voter apathy" to argue the opposite - that a section of the
electorate feels good about the political and economic direction of Britain,
and feels no need for the traditions of voter intervention. Clearly, this is
tosh. There is no sense of popular dissatisfaction, and thus apathy, about a
world of uncertain and insecure employment, health service delivery, old age
provision, cheap rentable accommodation or increasingly expensive higher
education. Such commentators have woefully misjudged the mood of the non-voting
public.
It is not apathy that stops people voting
but anger and the realisation that, deprived of choice at the ballot box, they
can make no difference through that route.
That such a formerly
highly regarded nexus of change is being abandoned by so many is a clear
indication of the narrow and rotten state of politics: politicians should look
to it and amend. The alternative is that this particular artery to the heart of
democracy be allowed, slowly, to fur up.
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Excellent! Well written, puts the point across perfectly.
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